Chad

This publication is about the Haddad of Kanem and the Bahr el Ghazal, an indigenous people whose entire way of life, social position within the society at large and view of themselves and the world is or has been associated with hunting. It is based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in Chad in the summer and early autumn of 1963. The overall aim of the book is to supplement the existing knowledge of social life in Kanem and Bahr el Ghazal in general, of the Haddad in particular, and to offer further evidence on hunting and foraging groups in West Africa. The expose relies on the ethnographic data collected by Ida Nicolaisen and the late Johannes Nicolaisen among the Haddad and accounts volunteered by Kreda and Kanembu acquaintances. To this day, knowledge of Kanem and the Bahr el Ghazal and the people who live there is fragmental. In view of this, Ida Nicolaisen has ventured far beyond traditional anthropological pastures and into those of naturalists, geologists, geographers, agronomists, historians, political scientists, archaeologists and linguists to place the Haddad within the broader historical and ethnic setting of which they are part.

As the Sahel region weathers another year of drought and poor harvests, the political and security situation in Chad remains volatile, compounding a worsening humanitarian situation in which some 2 million Chadians are at risk of hunger. In the western Sahelian region of the country, the World Food Program warns that an estimated 60% of households, some 1.6 million people, are currently food insecure. Aid organizations warn that the situation is critical, particularly for remote areas in the west with little international aid presence, and that the upcoming rainy season is likely to further complicate the delivery of assistance.

In the east, ethnic clashes, banditry, and fighting between government forces and rebel groups, both Chadian and Sudanese, have contributed to a fragile security situation. The instability has forced over 200,000 Chadians from their homes in recent years. In addition to the internal displacement, over 340,000 refugees from the Central African Republic (CAR) and Sudan’s Darfur region have fled violence in their own countries and now live in refugee camps in east and southern Chad, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). With Chadian security forces stretched thin, the threat of bandit attacks on the camps and on aid workers has escalated. The instability has also impacted some 700,000 Chadians whose communities have been disrupted by fighting and strained by the presence of the displaced.

The United Nations and the European Union (EU) began deployment of a multidimensional presence in Chad and the CAR in late 2007 to improve regional security so as to facilitate the safe and sustainable return of refugees and displaced persons. The U.N. mission, known as MINURCAT, assumed peacekeeping operations from the EU force in March 2009, but it faced logistical challenges in its deployment and a shortage of troops. In January 2010, the Chadian government requested that the mission’s mandate not be renewed. After consultations between the government and the U.N. Secretariat, the U.N. Security Council resolved in May 2010 to begin a reduction in MINURCAT’s presence in Chad, to be completed by December 31, 2010. The Chadian government has expressed a commitment to protecting civilians and humanitarian workers, but some observers question the capacity of its security forces to fulfill this mandate.

A January 2010 agreement between the governments of Chad and Sudan has led to improved relations between the two countries, and they have allegedly ceased to provide support for each other’s respective rebel groups. Legislative elections, postponed since 2007, are scheduled for November 10, 2010, and presidential elections are to be held in April 2011.

Sudan, geographically the largest country in Africa, has been ravaged by civil war intermittently for four decades. More than 2 million people have died in Southern Sudan over the past two decades due to war-related causes and famine, and millions have been displaced from their homes. There were many failed attempts to end the civil war in Southern Sudan. In July 2002, the Sudan government and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) signed a peace framework agreement in Kenya. On May 26, 2004, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed three protocols on Power Sharing, on the Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile, and on the long disputed Abyei area. The signing of these protocols resolved all outstanding issues between the parties. On June 5, 2004, the parties signed “the Nairobi Declaration on the Final Phase of Peace in the Sudan.” On January 9, 2005, the government of Sudan and the SPLM signed the final peace agreement at a ceremony held in Nairobi, Kenya. In April 2010, Sudan held national and regional elections. In January 2011, South Sudan held a referendum to decide on unity or independence. Abyei was also expected to hold a referendum in January 2011 to decide whether to retain the current special administrative status or to be part of South Sudan. The Abyei referendum did not take place. In the Southern referendum, 98.8% voted for independence and 1.4% for unity.

The crisis in Darfur began in February 2003, when two rebel groups emerged to challenge the National Congress Party (NCP) government in Darfur. The crisis in Darfur in western Sudan has led to a major humanitarian disaster, with an estimated 1.9 million people displaced, more than 240,000 people forced into neighboring Chad, and an estimated 450,000 people killed. In July 2004, the House and Senate declared the atrocities in Darfur genocide, and the Bush Administration reached the same conclusion in September 2004. On May 4, 2006, the Government of National Unity and the Sudan Liberation Movement/Army (SLM/A) signed the Darfur Peace Agreement (DPA) after almost two years of negotiations. In December 2010, the Government of Sudan began a major military offensive against the SLM.

In July 2007, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1769, authorizing the deployment of a robust peacekeeping force to Darfur. The resolution calls for the deployment of 26,000 peacekeeping troops to Darfur. The resolution authorizes the United Nations African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) to take all necessary measures to protect its personnel and humanitarian workers. As of August 2010, UNAMID deployed a total of 22,007 peacekeeping personnel. As of August 2010, 73 peacekeeping personnel have been killed in Darfur. In July 2008, International Criminal Court (ICC) Chief Prosecutor Luis Moreno-Ocampo accused President Omar Bashir of Sudan of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes and asked ICC judges to issue an arrest warrant for President Bashir. On March 4, 2009, the ICC Pre-Trial Chamber issued a warrant of arrest for President Bashir for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

In late October 2009, the Obama Administration announced a new Sudan policy. The new Sudan policy focuses on three policy priorities: the crisis in Darfur, the implementation of the North- South peace agreement, and counter-terrorism. The new policy links the lifting of sanctions and incentives to verifiable progress on the ground. In mid-September, the Obama Administration announced new policy initiatives on Sudan. The new policy update focuses on the Administration’s active and expanded diplomatic engagement and relaxation of sanctions and restrictions. On March 31, 2011, President Obama appointed Ambassador Princeton Lyman as Special Envoy for Sudan.

Examining conflict and warfare in Chad from both historic and contemporary perspectives, Mario Azevedo explores not only how violence has permeated and become almost an intrinsic part of the fabric of the central-eastern Sudanic societies, but how foreign interference from centuries ago to the present-day have exacerbated rather than suppressed the violence. Although the main objective of the volume is to understand present Chad, it provides comprehensive and analytical discussion of Chad's violent past. This strategy goes beyond putting the blame on the unwise and ethnic policies at Francois Tombalbaye or Felix Malloum; instead, Roots of Violence clarifies the role of violence in both pre- and post-colonial Chad and, thus, demythologizes many of the assumptions held by scholars and non-scholars alike.

Images of the genocide in Darfur have shocked the Western world: Upwards of 300,000 of its inhabitants have died, and another 2.5 million have become refugees. Those affected by the violence are estimated at almost 4 million, 700,000 of whom are now beyond the reach of humanitarian assistance. These are staggering numbers, and the fractious insurgent groups involved - Islamist Arab tribal militias against Christian black Africans and other militias made up of deserters of the Chad Army - were and still are supported to kill, rob, and terrorize by the governments of the neighboring states of the Sudan, Chad, and Libya.In "Darfur; The Long Road to Disaster", Burr and Collins have updated their original 1999 volume with additional chapters. The new title is not a publisher's gimmick: this is indeed the prehistory of Darfur's tragedy, and it is essential, if difficult, reading for any serious student of the crisis.

Recent years have found much of Africa to be a land of turmoil and revolution. Distress in the Sudan and countries such as Rwanda, Ivory Coast, Sierra Leone and Liberia have made Africa the site of a variety of atrocities from displacement to torture to genocide. The country of Chad, which theoretically gained its independence from France in 1960, is one of many that have been fighting a series of particularly brutal wars, internal and external. In 1982, Hissene Habre wrested power from Chad's UN-recognized government, igniting a vicious civil war. Thousands of innocent citizens were kidnapped, tortured and killed to quash political unrest. Covering 1982 to 1986, this memoir tells the story of Esaie Toingar, a native of southern Chad and miraculous survivor of Chad's darkest days, many of which came during different Septembers. This work contains Toingar's first-hand description of growing up, coming of age and waging the ultimate struggle for survival in the war-torn country. It gives a graphic account of what transpired in Chad during the rule of Habre and the ways in which the author managed to survive, fleeing his home village and seeking safety among the CODOs, a rebel movement of the south. Derived primarily from Toingar's memories, this work also utilizes information garnered from other first-hand testimonials and a 1991 documentary filmed by post-Habre Chad Television. Photographs from the author's collection are included.